Written by Katharina Dorn

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  • Area: 880.254 square kilometres
  • Population: approx. 200 Mio.
  • Capital: Islamabad
  • State form: federal parliamentary republic
  • Official languages: English; Urdu
  • Religion: Islam (96 per cent, 2016)

  • Flag of Pakistan

    Media freedom has never been consistent in Pakistan. For a long time, media were suppressed under several regimes. Today, after liberalization, ambitious journalists have to learn to deal with the responsibilities of powerful media which leads to several problems. First, there is a lack of standards and adequate training. Second, increased competition and cross-ownership reduce the diversity of content and investigative journalism is discouraged. Sensationalism is common, contents are copied from competitors. Third, low-paid journalists are prone to bribery. However, a deteriorating security situation poses the biggest threat to media autonomy. In 2016, Reporters without Borders ranked Pakistan on 147 out of 180 countries. In its annual Freedom of the Press report in 2015, the Freedom House Foundation scored the country 65 of 100, rating it “not free”. Besides documents, this report is based on interviews conducted by Philip Artelt.
    Communication policy and regulations
    Media freedom in Pakistan is legally granted by the constitution (Article 19) of 1956 which ensures freedom of expression and speech (National Assembly of Pakistan, 2012). However, the history of the country provides an insight into serious interferences in press freedom and can provide an explanation of the current legal situation. During the last fifty years, Pakistani journalism suffered serious drawbacks regarding media freedom which to some extent persists until today. Three periods of military rule gave birth to several laws which highly restricted press freedom.

    The beginning (1958-71)
    The history of the media system of Pakistan dates back to the pre-partition years of British India when newspapers (like Dawn or Nawa-e-Waqt) were founded to promote a communalistic or partition agenda against India. In 1958, the first restrictive media laws were introduced under the military rule of Ayub Khan (Artelt, 2013: 132). The then Minister of Information emphasized that freedom of the press did not play a key role for the government: “We tore the country’s constitution to shreds when we found this necessary, and you expect us to stand in awe of such a thing as the freedom of the press” (Niazi, 2010: 161). In 1963, the Press and Publications Ordinance (Black Law; PPO) was enforced which gave the government the right to shut down news outlets, arrest journalists and confiscate newspapers. Criticism of the regime was prohibited. Large parts of the media and the news agency Associated Press of Pakistan were nationalized (ibid.: 168-171). “The PPO was so restrictive that any kind of political freedom appearing in the newspaper would be taken care of by the government”, Muhammad Ziauddin, Executive Editor of Express Tribune, stated. Furthermore, newspapers were economically dependent on advertisements of the government – a financing model which still exists today (ibid.: 140).

    Further drawbacks under Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988)
    In 1977, the military again took over under General Zia-ul-Haq who intensified censorship with several amendments of the PPO. This era can be regarded as the worst period for Pakistani journalists who were persecuted when their reporting was not to the liking of the government (Artelt, 2013: 16; International Media Support, 2009: 15). In order to control the news published, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting was founded, distributing advertisements to newspapers and telling them what to publish (Artelt, 2013: 77). After Zia’s death, the PPO was revised in 1988 by the transitional government under Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, marking the liberalization of the media system and the first stage towards media freedom (Zuberi & Bari, 2009: 1113).

    A new hope? (1999-2008)
    In 1999, military general Pervez Musharraf took over which again lead to a struggling of the media but resulted also in more freedom (Niazi, 2010: 176; Siraj, 2009: 44). Several laws were adopted which provided (and still provide) the state with additional means for imposing restrictions on the media sector. The Press, Newspapers, News Agencies and Books Registration Ordinance (PNNABRO) imposed a compulsory registration of publications. The Defamation Ordinance (2002) was used as a protection against defamation by the press (Zuberi & Bari, 2009: 1112). Furthermore, the Press Council Ordinance (2002) should appoint a self-regulatory committee of journalists. However, it remained largely ineffective because journalistic organizations refrained from nominating their members for a state-controlled institution which could impose further regulations (Freedom House, 2016; International Media Support, 2009: 19). Despite these legal restrictions, Musharraf also mandated the deregulation of the broadcasting sector in 2002 which lead to a mushrooming of private television stations in a media system which was shaped by state-run broadcasting so far (Bolognani, 2010: 402-403; Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2012: 32). This can be regarded as the second stage towards media freedom. Musharraf’s aim was to strengthen the national security using the media in order to counter negative reporting from India (International Media Support, 2009: 15). In 2007, censorship was reinforced by the shut-down of the dissident news channel Geo News which provided coverage of the so-called Lawyers’ Movement to get the dissident Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chowdhary reinstated who had been dismissed by Musharraf. The same year, the dictator imposed emergency which enabled him to impose harsh censorship on the media (Artelt, 2013: 20; Powell, 2012: 10). At that time, the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) was founded by the regime to tame the empowered media by withdrawing licenses, limiting political debates on TV, and confiscating transmission equipment. However, it had become very difficult for the government to suppress news, which finally led to the downfall of the regime in 2008.

    New democracy (beginning 2008)
    Since Musharraf’s resignation, democracy has been established in Pakistan. However, under the conservative president Mamnoon Hussain, new laws were created which could limit media freedom. In 2015, the PEMRA published a new set of mandatory guidelines for broadcasters. Reporting about security operations must be approved by the government and new restrictions on the content of political debates were imposed. The internet has also become increased subject to censorship: The Protection of Pakistan Act (2014) gives the state more power to search, detain and use force against suspects of terrorism also including vague references to “internet offenses”. This has raised concerns if the law could be used against journalists. In 2015, a draft for a new cybercrime law was issued which could lead to censorship of undesirable digital content and the criminalization of statements deemed to support terrorism (Freedom House, 2016). One positive development was the amendment of the constitution with the “Right to Information” (Article 19a) in 2012. However, this legislation was vaguely worded and contained various exemptions regarding national security, economic affairs, and international relations. Therefore, it is supposed to be supplemented by a new freedom of information bill, submitted in 2014 (Freedom House, 2015; Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2012: 5).

    Media offers
    The media landscape of Pakistan is vibrant, reflecting its multi-linguistic, multi-ethnic society. The three dominating media moguls are the Jang Group, the Herald Group, and the Nawa-Waqt Group which show a supremacy in both broadcast and print industries resulting in a concentration of the media sector (Powell, 2012). News are provided by several private news agencies, like the Pakistan Press International (PPI) and the United Press of Pakistan (Zuberi & Bari, 2009: 1116). The most important and wide-ranging news supplier, however, is the state-run Associated Press of Pakistan which was nationalized under the rule of Ayub Khan (Zuberi & Bari, 2009: 1116-1117).

    Print is the oldest medium in Pakistan, dating back to before independence when the English daily Dawn was founded in 1941 (Artelt, 2013: 13; International Media Support, 2009: 20). In 2011, the total number of publications was 749. The biggest key player in the print sector is the moderate conservative Jang Group with its Urdu flagship Jang (circulation: 800.000), followed by the Nawa-Waqt Group with its Urdu right-wing conservative daily Nawa-i-Waqt (500.000) and the English newspaper The Nation. Third is the liberal secular Dawn Group with the English daily Dawn (130.000) and the current affairs magazine The Herald (Powell, 2012: 70; Yusuf, 2013: 22). They are all represented in the All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS). Newspapers are published in eleven languages with a clear divide between English and Urdu offers. The English media is urban and elite-centric, more liberal and professional compared to the Urdu media. It has far smaller audiences than their Urdu counterparts, but greater leverage among opinion makers, politicians, the business community, and the upper strata of society. Its limited reach serves as a protection against external influence when publishing information critical of the government (International Media Support, 2009: 6, 14; Shah, 2010). Alizeh Kohari, journalist at The Herald, said, “I think if our reports were in Urdu, there might be a greater backlash”. Newspaper readership is one of the lowest in the world. Details on newspaper readership are scarce. According to a survey conducted by Gallup, only one-third of the adult population was identified as newspaper readers (Mehmood, 2012: 6). This can be explained by the urban orientation of newspapers and the low literacy rate (especially in rural parts of the country like Baluchistan and the Tribal Areas) and income of the population (Siraj, 2009: 44). Owais Aslam Ali, Secretary General of the Pakistan Press Foundation, said, “Newspapers are very costly, in a rural area a person cannot spend 19 rupees a day on newspapers. For him, radio and television are the cheapest source of information”. The press is hardly regulated as it is monitored by the Press Council, which largely remains a paper tiger (Freedom House, 2015).

    Television can be regarded as the leading medium of Pakistan with about three-fourths of adults watching weekly (BBC News, 2013; Gallup Organization, 2014: 1; Yusuf, 2013: 19). According to PEMRA, about 12 million people owned a television set in 2010 – private surveys estimate the number at about 18 million (2010: 23). Given the fact, that there are about 86 million television viewers the low possession rate indicates that communal watching is popular, especially in rural areas (Powell, 2012: 51). The state-run terrestrial broadcasts of the Pakistan Television Corporation (PTV) still dominate the television use. However, PTV’s state monopoly ended when the market for electronic media was liberalized in 2002, leading to a diversification of the broadcasting sector (Zuberi & Bari, 2009: 1116). Since then, 89 private television channels have launched which changed the historic dominance of PTV. Besides its broadcasts (PTV Home, PTV News, PTV National, and the semi-private ATV of which PTV is the major shareholder) some of the most watched television channels are the leading private broadcaster Geo TV of the Jang Group with its Urdu-language flagship Geo News (market share: 31 per cent), followed by Samaa (13 per cent), Dunya TV (13 per cent) and Express News (12 per cent) (Yusuf, 2013: 7, 23). Furthermore, there are Aaj TV, ARY News and Dawn News – a 24-hour news channel which was the first program ever disseminated completely in English. The dominance of the PTV network and ATV can be explained by their terrestrial transmission type: most of the rural population has no access to alternative private channels via satellite or cable. According to a BBC survey, 69 per cent of the urban population has access to satellite and cable, compared to only eleven per cent of the rural respondents (Powell, 2012: 11). Plus, public advertisement is largely allocated at PTV, which receives about 70 per cent of the budget (International Media Support, 2009: 21). Despite the growing number of television channels, the plurality of content has not increased, due to a negative impact on the print media, the slow growth of cable television infrastructure and governmental restrictions on private stations regarding the broadcasting of national news. Furthermore, the fierce competition for viewers has led to a high degree of sensationalism. News programs cover mostly on violent conflicts and political affairs, other content is largely limited to entertainment, like stage shows and music (Siraj, 2009: 44). Broadcasting is dominated by cross-media ownership influencing the diversity of information. Only newspaper publishers are able to obtain a license for a news channel. The Herald Group, for example, owns Dawn News TV, a radio station and several magazines the besides its English daily Dawn (Yusuf, 2013: 9). The broadcasting sector is controlled by the PEMRA, which regulates the allocation of licenses and obliges cable operators to the transmission of news programs of the state. Foreign content is subject to the Cinematography Act (Article 61) and the Motion Pictures Ordinance (Articles 79, 86) and therefore can be censored (Zuberi & Bari, 2009: 1119, 1121).

    Due to missing infrastructure, a low literacy rate (54 per cent) and poverty, radio is a very important source of information, especially in rural areas and the conflict regions of the Federal Administered Tribal Area (FATA) and some districts of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province (KPK) (International Media Support, 2009: 13, 14, 22). Until its deregulation in 2002, radio in Pakistan was under state control. Today, about 130 private stations are broadcasting (Gallup Organization, 2014: 2). The state-owned Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation (PBC) dominates the sector and has the biggest audiences in the rural areas. PBC’s Radio Pakistan and the entertainment-based FM 101 network have by far the largest outreach with 31 stations reaching 96,5 per cent of the population (95.5 million listeners). Analogous to PTV, PBC is the only terrestrial broadcast outlet with national reach advantaging the dissemination of state content. Radio Pakistan also offers a foreign service in 16 languages (BBC News, 2013; Zuberi & Bari, 2009: 1121). News content remains largely under the control of the PBC since private stations are not allowed by PEMRA to publish their own news and must re-broadcast news bulletins from PBC. Therefore, the content of the commercial stations like Mast FM 103, FM 100 and Radio Shalimar is limited to music and entertainment – also caused by a lack of trained radio professionals (Powell, 2012: 11; Yusuf, 2013: 23).

    The use of the internet is still in its early stages in Pakistan. Only 14 per cent of the population (28 million users) had access in 2014 (Freedom House, 2015). The most popular websites and blogs are the web presences of offers of the print sector, like Jang, Express-Tribune, Dawn, and The News (Yusuf, 2013: 8; Zuberi & Bari, 2009: 1124). “Due to these electronic media, the Pakistani people are much more aware of the politics which is going on in Pakistan” (Mohammad Shafiq, who coordinates a training center for journalists in Islamabad). Digital activism has been fueled by the use of digital media since the Lawyers’ Movement. However, the low penetration rate and state-censorship limit the impact of digital news and dissemination of independent news. Moreover, many extremist groups increasingly use social networks and video-sharing platforms to spread propaganda and recruit new members (Yusuf, 2013: 9, 42, 45, 62).

    Media landscape in conflict areas
    The media landscape of the conflict areas FATA, KPK and Baluchistan extremely differs from the rest of the country. There, radio is the leading medium which provides information to about three-quarters of the population. No newspapers are published. The regions are dominated by foreign media (e.g. BBC and Deutsche Welle) and Radio Pakistan since it has medium wave transmitters covering long distances (Artelt, 2013: 138, 142; Freedom House, 2016). The conflict areas are not subject to the constitution but to the Frontier Crime Act (FCR) which prohibits the creation of private news outlets in the region and curbs freedom of expression and speech. Safdar Dawar, president of the Tribal Union of Journalists, said, “We have no speech up, no freedom of expression. We cannot publish our own newspaper. They do not allow us to register”. Many journalists have refrained from reporting due to the increased danger. Radical groups, like the Taliban militants and Al Qaeda, mainly influence the media sector by expanding their own media platforms. There exist about 100 illegal radio stations run by extremist groups broadcasting hate speech and propaganda. The Urdu monthly Mujalla Al-Dawa (circulation: 100.000) is published by the terrorist organization Jamaat ud-Dawa (International Media Support, 2009: 31). The lack of factual and objective news is resulting in an information vacuum. The same applies for the long-term underdeveloped and crisis-ridden Baluchistan due to the prevailing conflict of separatists and the Pakistan government. Journalists are often blamed for biased reporting in favor of the government by Baloch people being described as “agents of the establishment” (International Media Support, 2009: 28).
    Journalists' autonomy
    The main problems for Pakistani journalism are a high level of informal control by the state and poor working conditions including a lack of training which affect basic journalistic principles and values. Concentration and centralization of the media system lead to a lack of diversity of content. Poor safety and security for journalists especially in the conflict areas, however, poses the biggest threat to media autonomy in Pakistan.

    High level of informal control by the state
    There are many, mostly informal, ways for the government to curb media freedom. Although the constitution guarantees freedom of speech and expression, these rights can be restricted in regards to the conformity of reporting regarding religion, judiciary and state security (National Assembly of Pakistan, 2012). The conformity of reporting with these requirements can be regarded as an indirect media mission. Under the Penal Code procedure, blasphemy can be severely punished enabling the state to restrict religious or pornographic content. The Code of Conduct of the PEMRA says that no program shall be aired which passes derogatory remarks about any religion (Ministry of Information, Broadcasting & National Heritage, 2015). Quamar Bashir of the Ministry of Information said, “You can express a view, you can educate the people the way you like. But you cannot insult the Islamic injunction, you cannot insult the prophet”. In 2012, 15.000 websites were blocked by the state because of accusations of hosting blasphemous content and YouTube was banned because of an anti-Islam film titled “Innocence of Muslims”. Moreover, defamation is a criminal offense which is also punishable under the Penal Code by high fines up to two years in prison (Freedom House, 2016). In January 2017, the two journalists Ikhlaque Ahmed Jokhio and Qurban Ali Gadehi were even sentenced to five years in prison for criminal defamation (Committee to Protect Journalists, 2017b). Since the revenues are generated completely from government- or private-sector-advertising the state can also exert pressure by the withdrawal of ads. With 33 per cent, the government is the biggest provider of advertisements to the media (Siraj, 2009: 44). Jang, for instance, was cut off from government advertising after publishing articles unflattering to the state and has been embroiled in a licensing battle with the PEMRA (Yusuf, 2013: 9). “You can’t criticize someone who might advertise in your paper” (Tahir Najmi, editor of Daily Express). Furthermore, there is a government monopoly on newsprint which could be used for economic blackmail (FES Pakistan 2012).
    Pressure can also be exerted by the intelligence service since many journalists, being routinely underpaid, are on the payroll of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) or the military (International Business Publications, 2015: 168). Mubashir Zaidi, editor at Dawn News, said, “Even Kamran Khan, one of the top anchors in Geo has been paid 17.000 rupees by ISI in 1990”. To ensure the “welfare of journalists”, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting used a fund worth US$2.6 million which raised concerns that it was misused to buy off journalists (Ahmed, 2013). The only formal cues to journalists what they should report on is given by the state system of press advice. In 2012, several major networks were warned by the state against airing interviews with Baloch separatists without editorial control. It was stated that channels licenses could be revoked if “programmes detrimental to Pakistan’s existence or may incite hatred and violence against country” continued to air (Rizwan, 2012).
    Consequently, several state bodies can also be used to restrict media freedom. The PEMRA can suspend licenses or threaten to do so in order to limit unpleasant content. Although it is described as an independent regulatory mechanism it is closely tied to the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting due to appointments – a fact which has been widely criticized (Yusuf, 2013: 94). Since 1996, the internet is regulated by the Pakistan Telecom Authority (PTA), which is able to monitor and block internet content and websites with blasphemous, pornographic or anti-state material (Zuberi & Bari, 2009: 1124). Moreover, close ties of owners to politicians are influencing content (Artelt, 2013: 40). Owners have directly involved themselves because of their corporate interests. Ziauddin: “The owners have always been collaborators with the dictator of the day. Again because of their own interest to protect their industry”. Cable television operators occasionally pressure media outlets to censor views that could conflict with their business interests or suspend the transmission of channels which could pose a risk (Freedom House, 2015). In order to curtail external influence, several powerful organizations, like the PFUJ, the APNS and the Council of Pakistan Newspaper Editors are fighting for media freedom providing an umbrella of safety for journalists (Artelt, 2013: 130).

    Poor working conditions and quality
    The working conditions of Pakistani journalists vary greatly depending on the form of the media (electronic/print), size (local/national), readership (rural/urban), language (English/ Urdu), and location (Khan, 2016: 33). TV employees earn much more than print journalists (about 100.000 vs. 20.000 rupees a month; $1000 vs. $200) with rural journalists being worse off. Journalists working at Urdu papers earn less (on average 25.000 rupees; $250) than at English ones (37.000; $370). According to the secretary general of the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), Mazhar Abbas, up to 80 per cent of the print journalists have no contract and are forced to live below the subsistence level (International Media Support, 2009: 23). Low pay and job insecurity make them prone to unethical practices like corruption – the so-called lifafa (envelope) journalism (Siraj, 2009: 43).
    The often poor quality of journalism can be regarded as the challenge of a recently liberalized media. Hypercompetition, especially in the broadcasting sector, leads to sensationalism. Many journalists do not care about the quality publishing erroneous, untruthful and manipulative content: “If there is not enough content, you have to contrive and create some. You push shallow content as hard content – anything that happens becomes news” (Talat Hussain, columnist and television talk show host). In many cases, there is more focus on producing content that will boost ratings than work that has journalistic value. Re-publishing without verification and increased plagiarism is common to keep up with the breaking news. In 2012, a reporting about five women in Kohistan being killed on the orders of a tribal council was proved to be wrong and the media were widely criticized for failing to adequately investigate the issue (Yusuf, 2013: 28, 49-51).
    Since it is not considered mandatory, any journalists only receive insufficient training. Zaidi: “There are very few opportunities for journalists to actually train themselves. We have undergone what I say is a ‘practical mill’, where we kept working and gaining experience”. Sometimes, foreign media development organizations, like Intermedia Pakistan or the Pakistan Press Foundation undertake the task of providing training programs to journalists (Powell, 2012: 87, 89). In-depth and investigative journalism, mandatory for a watchdog role, is rare since there exists no adequate right of information (Mehboob, 2016). This has made most of the reporters a spokesperson of various political groups. However, the quality of Pakistani journalism is very uneven. Professionalism is largely found in major TV-stations news programming, English press, and major Urdu newspapers (International Media Support, 2009: 47). A high degree of concentration and centralization of the media market are also limiting quality and diversity of content: The narratives are basically controlled by the media moguls in the three main media centers in Islamabad, Karachi, and Lahore. There exists a shortage of regional press which results in a marginalization of the rural population (Siraj, 2009: 44; Yusuf, 2013: 63). However, the main threat to journalists’ autonomy is the poor security situation in Pakistan which makes it hard to maintain a high journalistic standard.

    Poor security situation
    With 87 journalists killed since 1992, Pakistan ranks as one of the deadliest countries in the world for journalists to work in (Committee to Protect Journalists, 2017a). Journalists frequently face threats and violence from militant and extremist groups but also from the military, political parties, and the intelligence service. Killings, coercion and physical attacks are common. Especially the conflict areas FATA and KPK are most dangerous for journalists due to prevailing conflict (Artelt, 2013: 24; Yusuf, 2013: 9, 25). Killings and assaults are not investigated properly resulting in a high level of impunity (Freedom House, 2015; International Media Support, 2009: 28). Since 2002, there were six high-level investigations of journalist killings of the government – only one led to prosecution (Yusuf, 2013: 55).
    The prevalent threat leads to self-censorship and limitation of the topics and geographical areas which are covered by the media. Journalists try not to lay themselves open to attack by writing about taboo topics such as the intelligence service, political interference, corruption and security-related issues such as terrorism or tribalism (Artelt, 2013: 45; Yusuf, 2013: 61). Names are not mentioned, as Shafiq said, “I cannot write that this militant ‘one’ fired this [rocket] and hit this house. I am writing: Unknown militants or unknown people are firing this rocket launcher, which hit a house. I am giving news. But I am not doing justice with the news”. By Shafiq, the term “unknown people” is used as a safe word. Safdar Dawar: “In the Tribal Areas you should not report the truth about what is going on there. Because there is Al-Qaeda, TTP, the military and intelligence agency. I mean, this is a war zone on an international level”. In-depth and investigative journalism which would be mandatory for a watchdog role is rare. When expressing opinions is too dangerous, journalists hide behind quotes using statement journalism (Artelt, 2013: 52; International Media Support, 2009: 48). Not only extremist groups but also the state is involved in the oppression of journalists. The military with its intelligence service ISI is notorious for the coercion of journalists who are often found dead afterward. Saleem Shahzad, a Pakistani correspondent for Asia Times Online, disappeared in 2011 after writing an article about Al Qaeda’s infiltration of the Pakistan navy. His body was found tortured two days later. Before he disappeared, Shahzad wrote to his colleagues that he received death threats from the ISI (Yusuf, 2013: 54). Hamid Mir, famous anchorman of Geo News, was shot by unknown gunmen (Al Jazeera, 2014). The channel was often criticized by the government for exaggerations and misrepresentation of facts. After airing allegations that the ISI was involved in the attempted assassination of Mir, PEMRA suspended the license of Geo TV for 15 days imposing a fine of 10 million rupees ($100.000) (Hanif, 2014; Freedom House, 2015).
    Consequently, various interest groups must be satisfied: “There are many powers, militancy and military, and we are like a sandwich to these powers”, Darwar stated. Few dare express their views in a manner which would offend the ruling elite. Furthermore, in most cases journalists do not receive adequate security training. Rahimullah Yousaf Zai, journalist and editor of The News who interviewed Bin Laden twice said, “There is no adequate security for local journalists, and most have not been given any equipment, such as bullet-proof jackets. Sometimes we say that the media owners have insured the camera, but have not insured the cameramen”. Many journalists are not aware of safety issues since they are not part of their curriculum. Media outlets do not see employee safety to be their responsibility. Only a few employers, like Dawn Group, take safety precautions like bullet-proof jackets, medical kits and first aid knowledge (International Media Support, 2009: 30).
    This country report was supplemented by additional information from interviews conducted by the student Philip Artelt from May to June 2013. The author thanks all interviewees for their help, with which the content of this country report has been improved.

    Interviewed experts (face-to-face by Philip Artelt)
    • Muhammad Ziauddin: Executive Editor of Express Tribune
    • Alizeh Kohari: Journalist at The Herald
    • Owais Aslam Ali: Secretary General of the Pakistan Press Foundation, Chairman of the Pakistan Press International news agency
    • Mohammad Shafiq: Coordinator of the journalist training center Mediothek in Islamabad, offers training for journalists working in the Tribal Areas or KPK
    • Safdar Dawar: President of the Tribal Union of Journalists, FATA; works for Radio Pakistan, journalist at Daily Express
    • Quamar Bashir: Director External Publicity Wing, Ministry of Information
    • Tahir Najmi: Editor of Daily Express
    • Mubashir Zaidi: Editor at Dawn Media Group, investigative journalist
    • Talat Hussain: Columnist and television talk show host in Karachi
    • Rahimullah Yousaf Zai: Journalist und editor of The News in Peshawar
    Related Links
    Recommended citation form
    Katharina Dorn: Pakistan. In: Michael Meyen (ed.), Mapping Media Freedom. LMU Munich: Department of Communication Studies and Media Research 2017. (access date).

    Pakistan: Journalism under fire. Source:

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